The CHT Accord of 1997, a peace treaty signed between the Indigenous movement that had led the resistance since 1974 and the ruling government party, included provisions to resolve land conflicts between Indigenous Peoples and settlers and to demilitarize the CHT by removing over 230 temporary army camps, among others. Had the CHT Accord been fully implemented by successive governments, the military occupation and settler expansion could have been halted. However, the lack of political will of successive governments to implement the Accord has resulted in a continuation of de facto military rule in CHT.

There is a symbiotic relationship between military occupation and settler expansion. Settlers rely on military protection to claim, retain and expand land ownership, while the military, with the aim of consolidating and retaining its power in CHT, depends on settlers who act as the civilian props for the military and, at times, as instruments against Indigenous resistance. In this context, when sexual violence against Indigenous women or girls is perpetrated by Bengalis, the military –in conjunction with the State institutions and other state agencies– systematically tries to protect the perpetrators.

A Repeating Pattern: the Lack of Police Cooperation

The steps for covering up crimes of sexual violence follow a recurring pattern, especially for cases that spark public outrage. And cases that gain a greater degree of national and international visibility are often the least likely to result in justice for the victims. Paradoxically, the more attention these cases receive, the more intensive the efforts of the State agencies to shield the perpetrators. In a few extreme cases, such efforts culminate in communal attacks on Indigenous Peoples by the settler Bengalis, resulting in deaths and destruction. Drawing upon four notorious sexual violence cases from the past decade, the subsequent analysis illustrates the processes by which justice is denied to the Indigenous victims.

Firstly, when family members of victims attempt to file complaints of sexual violence allegedly perpetrated by settlers, the officers in charge almost invariably show reluctance to receive them. After much persuasion and persistence, when police eventually agree to receive or file a case, critical information (such as eyewitness accounts or specific details that are crucial for future investigation) is often omitted or misrepresented. This is done intentionally to leave space for doubt and to enable the fabrication of an alternate narrative that will ultimately shield the perpetrators from accountability.

When two Marma sisters went to seek medical care at the district hospital for injuries they sustained after being allegedly raped by two soldiers, the law enforcement agencies unlawfully arrested.

When two Marma sisters went to seek medical care for injuries they sustained after being allegedly raped by two soldiers, the law enforcement agencies unlawfully arrested.

In September 2025, a 12-year-old Indigenous Marma schoolgirl stated that she had been raped by three settler Bengalis. According to her father, when he went to file a complaint, the police pressured him to describe perpetrators as “three unidentified men”, despite having eyewitness accounts of three Bengalis following her before the incident. Following the rape and murder of a Chakma woman in February 2014, her husband provided the names of three suspects based on eyewitness accounts. The police deliberately omitted those names when drafting the case and, without informing the changes to the husband (who was illiterate), police obtained his signature on the document the next day.  

In May 2025, the district commissioner and police questioned whether any crime had even been committed when an indigenous Khyang woman was brutally murdered after an alleged rape, despite having clear evidence of homicide. Her dead body was found stripped naked, the skull crushed. In their press release, police left out a crucial eyewitness account of her being harassed by three Bengalis a day earlier. In 2018, when two Marma sisters went to seek medical care at the district hospital for injuries they sustained after being allegedly raped by two soldiers, the law enforcement agencies unlawfully arrested and held them in an abandoned ward in that same hospital for more than three weeks.

Manipulation of Medical Evidence and Institutional Complicity

Forensic medical examinations are essential in substantiating cases of sexual assault. After filing cases, if public demonstrations demanding justice and condemnation from civil society have already occurred, the medical authority delays in producing the reports and they will eventually most likely return a negative result. In the two Marma sisters’ case, the initial medical report that was prepared and submitted in due time was withheld by the law enforcement agencies, and, two weeks later, a new second report with a negative result was produced by another medical examiner. 

Medical examiners risk serious retribution if they refuse to manipulate reports. On one occasion, a false accusation of corruption was even suddenly made against the examiner a few days after he had produced the first medical report. This ruined his medical career in the public sector. This false case thus simultaneously functioned as a method of punishment for his non-compliance, as coercion to maintain his silence on the ongoing rape case and as a warning to other medical examiners of the consequences of failing to comply.

Medical examiners risk serious retribution if they refuse to manipulate reports. On one occasion, a false accusation of corruption was even suddenly made against the examiner a few days after he had produced the first medical report.

Medical examiners risk serious retribution if they refuse to manipulate reports.

The report on the Marma schoolgirl was withheld for several days. The strictly confidential medical report on this minor girl, containing her photo and personal information, was leaked to, and widely shared on, settler-run online media outlets and a few popular news media outlets even before it had been handed over to police by the hospital authority. It is notable that, in the days leading up to this, settler organizations staged a series of demonstrations asserting that no rape had occurred, indicating their apparent foreknowledge of the report’s predetermined outcome. 

The information in the report had visibly been tampered with. The date of examination was written over with a new date, and was signed by the examiners with the previous date. By doing so, inconsistencies in information could not be avoided. No relevant authority undertook any investigation into the unauthorized disclosure of the confidential report or the discrepancies therein.

Narrative Control through Media

In recent years, mainstream media, online news portals and social media platforms have been extensively used to propagate narratives that delegitimize Indigenous Peoples’ demands for justice. While Indigenous protests receive minimal media coverage, settler organization-led counter demonstrations are extensively reported. Additionally, the media function as pro-military propaganda instruments. At the same time, scores of settlers run online news portals and social media platforms that spread false news about Indigenous resistance. This campaign aims to present Indigenous Peoples as anti-State forces and Indigenous rights defenders as separatists.      

In this context, when Indigenous Peoples intensify their demands for justice for crimes committed against women and girls, a coordinated campaign is launched to shift public debate from justice for victims to doubt as to the intention of the Indigenous protests. Generating a negative medical report is therefore essential in promoting the narrative that “Indigenous separatists” use false rape accusations to create agitation against the military and settler Bengalis with the aim of destabilizing the region.  

It can be fairly stated that the very structure that systematically provides impunity to perpetrators of sexual violence also ensures impunity for the subsequent violence inflicted upon Indigenous communities seeking justice.

It can be fairly stated that the very structure that systematically provides impunity to perpetrators of sexual violence also ensures impunity for the subsequent violence inflicted upon Indigenous communities seeking justice.

In extreme cases, communal attacks on Indigenous communities are orchestrated to intimidate, to reinforce the propaganda narrative and to divert attention away from demands for justice. In the 2014 rape and murder case of the Chakma woman, settlers launched a series of communal attacks on Indigenous villagers using rumors about a missing Bengali child. In the case of the Marma schoolgirl, attacks and arson swept across the district for two days, killing at least three and injuring scores of Indigenous people, as well as destroying property. There are strong allegations that the military backed these attacks and fired on the Indigenous villagers. These attacks followed the same pattern of spreading rumors about Indigenous aggression against settler Bengalis while the coordinated use of social media amplified their impact.   

No investigations into communal attacks were launched by the authorities in either of these two cases. Conversely, in the case of the Marma girl, false charges were brought against more than a dozen Indigenous youth under several laws, including the Special Powers Act, a draconian law frequently used to suppress Indigenous Peoples. It can be fairly stated that the very structure that systematically provides impunity to perpetrators of sexual violence also ensures impunity for the subsequent violence inflicted upon Indigenous communities seeking justice.

This article synthesizes testimonies from Indigenous rights defenders working in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, along with reports from documented sources.

The post Access to Justice Denied: Sexual Violence Against Indigenous Women and Girls in Bangladesh appeared first on Debates Indígenas.

In turn, access to education is extremely limited: while many children attend primary school, few manage to continue on to secondary or to access higher education due to poverty, language barriers, lack of institutional support and sociocultural pressures. For their part, Santal women bear the burden of agricultural work, face gender inequality and lack support to improve their livelihoods. Another serious problem is discrimination and social isolation: they are excluded from public spaces, suffer cultural marginalization and often do not receive justice when they are the victims of violence.

The survey, conducted in Dalu, Hodi, Khasi, Kondo, Lushai and Santal communities. collected data on the implementation (or not) of a wide range of Indigenous Peoples’ rights: self-determination, cross-border connections, cultural integrity, employment, freedom of expression and media, fundamental freedoms, socioeconomic development, health, land and resources, legal protection, access to justice and participation in public life. The data generated by the community itself laid the groundwork for initiatives aimed at strengthening Indigenous territorial rights.

Documenting Rights and Realities with the Santal Community

The human rights organization Kapaeeng Foundation is the implementing partner for the Indigenous Navigator, which has had a presence in Bangladesh since 2017. In this role, it supports Indigenous communities to collect data through community surveys and focus group discussions. The current research on the implementation of Indigenous rights was initiated in October 2022, through surveys in 40 communities across the country. This information, which is already available on the portal, is being used by communities to guide and implement self-determined development projects.

Kapaeeng Foundation has an extensive network of contacts throughout the country. Given the severity of land conflicts affecting the Santal community in Parbatipur and Gobindaganj, the Foundation felt it was crucial to include them in the community surveys and used its network to make this possible. For the community, the Indigenous Navigator thus became a key tool with which to highlight the discrepancies between official government data and the reality experienced by the communities. This gap particularly came to light during the analysis of the community surveys.

“The Indigenous Navigator has already highlighted information gaps regarding the land, education, health, culture and human rights of Indigenous Peoples to the Bangladeshi government,” emphasizes Manik Soren.

“The Indigenous Navigator has already highlighted information gaps regarding the land, education, health, culture and rights of Indigenous Peoples,” emphasizes Manik Soren.

The surveys were conducted through focus groups with a wide range of participants: men, women, youth, people with disabilities and the elderly. For the Santal (as for other Indigenous Peoples), the Indigenous Navigator introduced a framework and a set of tools that enabled them to generate valuable data and monitor and document their overall human rights situation. Up to that point, there had been no formal documentation of the community. Participants found the questionnaire empowering and transformative and were surprised to discover that this framework was designed by and for Indigenous Peoples.

Young community leader Manik Soren highlighted the relevance of the initiative: “The Indigenous Navigator has highlighted the information gaps regarding the land, education, health, culture and human rights of Indigenous Peoples to the Bangladeshi government. I believe it will be a key tool with which to document these shortcomings and improve our human rights situation. As a global framework, I hope that the government will use this information and take the necessary measures to promote and protect the rights of Indigenous Peoples in the country.”

Defending the Land: the most Urgent Challenge

Before uploading the information to the Indigenous Navigator portal, the data was analysed and reviewed by Kapaeeng Foundation’s team, external experts and the community itself. The results were shared with the participants through a workshop. There it was confirmed that the Santal people are facing serious social, cultural, economic and political challenges. Alongside this, a lack of political representation in local government is further limiting their advocacy capacity.

The lack of affirmative action on the part of the State has led to the loss of ancestral lands. The most emblematic case is Bagda Farm, from where more than 2,500 Santal and Bengali families were violently evicted by the police in 2016: three Santal men were killed and hundreds of houses destroyed. Although 1,500 families still live there, they face a renewed threat of eviction due to government plans to install an Export Processing Zone (EPZ) in the territory that the Santal assert is their own.

The community consultations also pointed out that their land rights remain unrecognized and they are forced to make enormous sacrifices to defend them. Their cultural heritage and traditional social structures are at risk of disappearing. In addition, the Santal suffer racial discrimination from the Bengali majority, and women and girls are exposed to sexual and physical violence (including rape, kidnapping and fabricated court cases), used as a mechanism to generate fear, insecurity and forced displacement.

Small Projects, Big Impacts

Of all the problems analysed, the community identified land defence as their greatest challenge. For such cases, the Indigenous Navigator has a small grants mechanism so that participating communities can develop and implement their own projects. Once they have analysed their surveys, communities are therefore able to collectively prioritize their most urgent problems and develop tailor-made solutions, with the initiative’s support. In November 2024, through this mechanism, Kapaeeng Foundation and the Indigenous communities launched two projects.

One of the projects targeted the Santal community and identified land rights as the most critical issue. In the face of evictions and encroachment by Bengali groups, State agencies and the security forces, the Santal community developed a project to promote and protect their land rights in Parbatipur and Gobindaganj sub-districts of northern Bangladesh. Framed as a collective movement, the proposal was supported by Kapaeeng Foundation and designed jointly by two organizations: Jatiya Adivasi Parishad and the Bagda Farm Struggle for Recovery Committee (SBUSC).

The project also seeks to strengthen the links between the Santal, the Indigenous organizations and national networks, with the aim of unifying and amplifying their struggle for territorial rights.

Following approval of the project, the Santal community has shown confidence and determination to push forward towards their objectives, convinced that this initiative will unite them.

The project’s activities seek to raise community awareness of their rights and provide them with the tools to strengthen their advocacy capacity. One key component involves supporting advocacy efforts with the local authorities to resolve territorial disputes. To this end, Kapaeeng Foundation developed advocacy materials in Bangla and English aimed at amplifying the community’s voice. The project also seeks to strengthen the links between the Santal, the Indigenous organizations and national networks, with the aim of unifying and amplifying their struggle for territorial rights.

Following approval of the project, the Santal community has shown confidence and determination to push forward towards the agreed objectives, convinced that this initiative will unite them, strengthen their relationship with local, national and international actors, and consolidate their struggle for rights and dignity.

Advancing Indigenous Rights from the Grassroots up

In Bangladesh, Indigenous Peoples – both in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and on the plains – continue to face a lack of recognition and systematic violations of their rights. Among the most serious problems identified was that of territorial dispossession, which continues to displace families and threaten their cultural survival. This general context highlights the importance of the Indigenous Navigator, whose tools empower Indigenous communities to define their priorities and design projects based around their own solutions.

Beyond the Santal experience, the Indigenous Navigator has brought pride and recognition to marginalized groups across Bangladesh, including the Lushai, Pangko, Hodi, Bagdi and Gorait. Community data available on a global platform has become an invaluable resource for advocacy and research. In fact, Kapaeeng Foundation’s efforts have influenced the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics to include Indigenous Peoples in the national census, thus addressing longstanding data gaps.

After a long period of data collection, the Santal community designed a project that focuses on raising awareness of Indigenous rights, strengthening community advocacy, and building capacity for effective dialogue with the authorities. It also strengthens ties between the Santal and other Indigenous organizations, consolidating a united front in the struggle for justice and recognition. This progress demonstrates the transformative potential of accurate data and grassroots empowerment. Ultimately, the Indigenous Navigator has had a positive impact both on the Indigenous communities and on the different actors involved in defending their rights.

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