Brooklyn Rivera died while in the custody of the Nicaraguan government, where he had been held in arbitrary detention since 29 September 2023.

Throughout his life, he confronted adversity with courage and determination, earning the respect and admiration of his people and of Indigenous Peoples far beyond Nicaragua.

His legacy as an unwavering defender of the rights of Indigenous Peoples will continue to inspire all those who strive for justice, human rights and equality.

Taupla Brooklyn Rivera departed this life as he had lived it: steadfast in his commitment to his people and faithful to his convictions.

As the struggle for the rights of Indigenous Peoples continues, his memory endures as a beacon and a reminder of the importance of justice, solidarity and the fight for self-determination.

Indigenous Debates condemns the actions of the Nicaraguan government and will continue to denounce its long-standing practice of criminalising and persecuting the country’s Indigenous Peoples.

The post In Memory of Taupla Brooklyn Rivera appeared first on Debates Indígenas.

The forced disappearance of Brooklyn Rivera raises several questions. First, from a personal dimension: where is the Ta Upla, and how is he? Second, from a collective dimension, regarding the future of the Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples, and their collective rights over land, territory, natural resources, self-determination, resistance and democratic space in Nicaragua. Finally, there is a global dimension that leads us to question the capacity of the international human rights system to prevent the progressive erosion of fundamental rights in contexts of democratic closure.

A Leader of the Regional Indigenous Movement

Brooklyn Rivera Bryan is a historic leader of the Miskitu people who, for more than five decades, has dedicated his life to the recognition and defense of the historical and ancestral rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples at the national level and throughout Latin America. In doing so, he has become one of the leading figures of the indigenous movement in Nicaragua. As a leader of the indigenous organization YATAMA (Yapti Tasba Masraka Nanih Aslatakanka), he has played a fundamental role in the defense of territorial rights, political autonomy and cultural identity on the Caribbean Coast.

In 1960, Brooklyn began his trajectory as a defender of collective rights on the Caribbean Coast. During the 1980s, he became a central figure in the Miskitu indigenous resistance (the so-called “indigenous contra”) in the context of Nicaragua’s internal armed conflict. This period was marked by serious human rights violations against indigenous communities: forced displacement, widespread violence, and military operations such as the notorious “Red Christmas.” To this day, these events are remembered in collective memory and continue to be denounced by indigenous organizations as grave human rights violations that remain in total impunity.

Consequently, his political trajectory is closely linked to the process of recognizing the existence of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Nicaragua’s Political Constitution of 1987. He later became one of the visible faces of the struggle for and achievement of regional autonomies, established under the Autonomy Statute of 1987 — one of the most important advances in the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Central America.

The Leader Who Fought for Political Participation

After the end of the armed conflict, Rivera played a key role in the transition from armed struggle to institutional political participation for Indigenous Peoples within the Nicaraguan democratic system, consolidating YATAMA as the principal indigenous political force on the Caribbean Coast. A landmark moment came in 2005, when the organization obtained a historic and unprecedented ruling from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, recognizing the violation of the right to political participation of Indigenous Peoples following their exclusion from the 2000 municipal elections. Nevertheless, more than 20 years after that decision, the Nicaraguan State has not fully complied with the measures ordered by the inter-American tribunal.

In 2007, Rivera was elected as a member of the National Assembly through a political alliance between YATAMA and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). This agreement included legislative and administrative initiatives for the recognition and protection of indigenous rights on the Caribbean Coast and throughout Nicaragua. However, the political relationship deteriorated due to non-compliance with the demarcation of communal lands, the regional autonomy framework and allegations of electoral irregularities. While Rivera was stripped of his legislative seat in 2015, he was again elected as a deputy in 2016 for the Autonomous Region of the North Caribbean Coast under the YATAMA indigenous party banner. In 2021, he was once again elected for the 2022–2026 legislative term, reaffirming the indigenous communities’ support for his leadership and legacy.

Brooklyn Rivera’s trajectory reflects not only the story of a political leader, but the evolution of the struggle of the Indigenous Peoples of the Caribbean Coast and Nicaragua for the recognition of their rights, their autonomy and their cultural survival in an adverse political context. His leadership has been shaped by distinct phases that mirror the country’s history: armed resistance, demands before international bodies, participation in dialogue processes, and the forging of political agreements. Throughout it all, Brooklyn Rivera has pursued the legitimate historical aspirations of the Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples.

The Arbitrary Detention and Forced Disappearance

Brooklyn Rivera’s last public statement was delivered in April 2023, during the 22nd session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York. On that occasion, the leader addressed the Forum as a parliamentary representative and principal leader of the Miskitu people, referring to advances achieved in international and national law, as well as setbacks in local implementation due to a lack of political will by States: “The grave situation of dispossession of territories, the plundering of ancestral assets, the dismantling of traditional structures, the replacement of indigenous authorities and the destruction of the natural environment. To this must be added the increase in human rights violations against leaders and defenders.”

In retaliation, the Government of Nicaragua denied him re-entry into the country. After spending several weeks in exile, he decided to return and announced this through a video published on social media in June 2023: “I had no intention of staying outside. For that reason I had to travel by other routes and later through the Mosquitia territory, which, it should be noted, spans two countries: Honduras and Nicaragua. Moving among my people, both in the north and in the south, I managed to enter the country and have been in the Nicaraguan Mosquitia for a week.” The Ta Upla emphasized that this territory does not belong to just one country and that peoples have a tradition of exchange, family ties and cultural and social activities with the Miskitu people living in Honduras as well. “For us, there are no borders,” he concluded.

On September 29, 2023, Rivera was arbitrarily detained by the National Police at his home in the city of Bilwi, where he had traveled to be with his people. Since then, he has been in a state of forced disappearance.

On September 29, 2023, Rivera was arbitrarily detained by the National Police. Since then, he has been in a state of forced disappearance.

Despite the immigration ban imposed by Nicaraguan authorities, Brooklyn Rivera’s entry into Nicaragua did not constitute an illegal act, but rather the exercise of fundamental rights recognized both by constitutional law and by international human rights law and the rights of Indigenous Peoples. ILO Convention 169, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples are clear in recognizing that cross-border Indigenous Peoples may freely carry out their exchange activities.

Months later, on September 29, 2023, Rivera was arbitrarily detained by the National Police at his home in the city of Bilwi, in the Autonomous Region of the North Caribbean Coast, where he had traveled to be with his people. The Government subsequently cancelled YATAMA’s legal registration (without due process); the organization’s assets were seized; and its officials, members, family members and community members were persecuted. Since then, Brooklyn Rivera has been in a state of forced disappearance.

The Silence of the Nicaraguan Government

Thirty months have passed since the arbitrary detention of Brooklyn Rivera. There is still no official information about his state of health and his whereabouts — two practices prohibited by international human rights law. The absence of timely information constitutes a violation of basic international standards, including those established by the American Convention on Human Rights and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The Inter-American Human Rights System and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) granted precautionary measures in October 2023. Four months later, in February 2024, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued provisional measures in favor of Brooklyn Rivera and required the State of Nicaragua to “immediately proceed with his release and adopt the necessary measures to effectively protect his life, personal integrity, health and personal liberty.”

All human rights mechanisms have been activated at the international and regional level. Meanwhile, the Nicaraguan Government continues to remain silent.

All human rights mechanisms have been activated at the international and regional level. Meanwhile, the Nicaraguan Government continues to remain silent.

In parallel, various international bodies have expressed concern over Brooklyn’s disappearance and have requested detailed official information to determine his whereabouts: the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the Group of Human Rights Experts on Nicaragua (GHREN), the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, Amnesty International, and indigenous peoples’ organizations and leaders from all continents.

All human rights mechanisms have been activated at the international and regional level. Meanwhile, the Nicaraguan Government continues to remain silent. International law holds that States have special obligations when it comes to the protection of human rights defenders and representatives of Indigenous Peoples — particularly when their work is linked to the defense of territory and natural resources, when there is a risk that their disappearance has political motivations, or when their absence may have a disproportionate effect on the collective representation of their peoples, as this case suggests.

Violations of the Rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples

Over the past decade, the situation of the individual and collective rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Nicaragua has deteriorated in a progressive and sustained manner. This deterioration affects fundamental rights such as land and territory, self-determination, life, personal integrity and autonomy. It is also closely linked to the systematic invasion of indigenous territories, the increase in violent conflicts with settlers, illegal mining and timber trafficking, as well as the closure of civic spaces and the establishment of an authoritarian model of control in the country.

This situation has generated a permanent climate of violence, insecurity and displacement in indigenous communities, disproportionately affecting populations in vulnerable situations, such as women, girls, older persons and persons with disabilities. In this regard, between 2020 and 2023, at least three massacres were recorded against Miskitu and Mayangna communities located in the Bosawás Biosphere Reserve, in the Autonomous Region of the North Caribbean Coast: in the communities of Alal (2020), Kiwakumbaih (2021) and Wilu (2023). These armed attacks resulted in at least 20 indigenous people killed, as well as reports of torture, sexual violence, burning of homes, forced displacement and an unprecedented humanitarian crisis.

In Nicaragua, there have been reports of political interference through the imposition of communal authorities aligned with the ruling party and the creation of parallel governance structures in the territories, which weaken traditional forms of authority.

In Nicaragua, there have been reports of political interference through the imposition of communal authorities aligned with the ruling party and the creation of parallel governance structures in the territories.

In parallel, there is a pattern of repression and criminalization against indigenous leaders, territorial authorities, human rights defenders and religious leaders. These actions include arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances, acts of intimidation and other repressive measures aimed at weakening community leadership. This context reinforces the perception that Rivera’s detention may have a chilling effect on other leaders.

There have also been documented measures such as arbitrary entry bans, de facto exile, cancellation of documents, deportations and other forms referred to as “civil death,” which seek to exclude indigenous leaders from political and social life. The situation also reflects serious impacts on the right to self-determination and the indigenous autonomy regime. Reports have emerged of political interference through the imposition of communal and territorial authorities aligned with the ruling party, as well as the creation of parallel governance structures in indigenous territories, undermining traditional forms of authority.

Proof of Life for Brooklyn Rivera

The arbitrary detention and forced disappearance of indigenous leader Brooklyn Rivera is a reflection of the deterioration of respect for human rights and the collective rights of Indigenous Peoples in Nicaragua. Through violence against communities and the persecution of their leadership, the Nicaraguan Sandinista regime seeks to weaken the mechanisms that protect their territories, their forms of political, social and cultural organization, and their traditional ways of life, by making leaders and representatives disappear.

The actions of the international community and human rights bodies must be directed toward demanding that Nicaraguan authorities provide proof of life of Brooklyn Rivera, his immediate and unconditional release, the restoration of his fundamental rights and respect for the political rights of the YATAMA organization, as the legitimate organization of the Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples. Likewise, the respect for individual and collective human rights in Nicaragua must be guaranteed.

The case of Brooklyn Rivera has become a symbol of the current challenges faced by Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Nicaragua. And, in particular, it is an affront to the human rights mechanisms at the international and regional level.

The post The Forced Disappearance of Brooklyn Rivera: Repression Against Indigenous Peoples in Nicaragua Intensifies appeared first on Debates Indígenas.

The name Mayangna comes from their own language and can be interpreted as “children of the sun”, “we are of the sun” or “we are from above”. These meanings are deeply embedded in their worldview, which centres around their creator deities: Adu (the sun) and Udu (the moon). Although the term Sumu was historically used in colonial records and anthropological literature, it was an externally imposed label (by both Spanish and English sources) and is now rejected by the people, who identify themselves as Mayangna balna (“the Mayangna people”). Today, the Mayangna are organised according to four ethnolinguistic variants: Panamahka, Tuahka, Yuskuh and Ulwa.

There are three main theories regarding the Mayangna’s earliest migration. One suggests an origin in Greater China or Japan, based on strong ancestral ties, and proposes that they migrated via the Bering Strait to escape warfare between dominant groups. A second theory places their origin in the Mesoamerican region, particularly in what is now Mexico. The third posits a southern origin, in the area now bordering Colombia and Venezuela, where other Indigenous Peoples with similar characteristics are found.

The Mayangna Worldview

Regardless of theories about their origins, the Mayangna have historically settled in remote and hard-to-reach areas, such as the headwaters of the Waspuk, Wawa, Pispis, Tungki, Uli, Lakus, Bocay and Grande de Matagalpa rivers. This geographical isolation has helped them preserve their culture, language and traditional forms of organisation. Today, there are 76 communities organised across nine territories, with an estimated population of 45,000. Most of these territories hold communal land titles issued by the state, backed by the Regional Autonomy Law (Law 28) and the Communal Property Regime Law (Law 445).

For the Mayangna people, natural wealth is so vital that it is synonymous with life itself. It represents a way of life inherited from their millenary ancestors and holds incalculable value. This wealth encompasses everything from access to water to the quality of the air, and also includes abiotic elements such as rainfall and river flow. Their worldview goes beyond scientific or ecological reasoning — it is grounded in a spiritual dimension that sustains and balances life.

Territory, for the Mayangna, is their most valuable inheritance — not only as a geographical space, but as an ancestral legacy. It is the land where countless generations of their ancestors lived in harmony with nature and who now live on in the historical memory of current generations. It is also where the spirits of grandmothers and grandfathers dwell, along with the spirits of the mountains and forests. More than a resource, it is the spiritual and physical home of the Mayangna people.

Organisation and Territoriality

The traditional organisational structure of the Mayangna people has long revolved around the figure of the sukia or ditalyang — the spiritual leader and guardian of nature’s secrets, entrusted with guiding the destiny of each village and community. Chosen through ancestral ceremonies held at sacred sites such as Asanh Rarah, Kumapaitah and Saubi hills, the sukia was selected for their deep knowledge of astronomy, medicine, prophecy and spiritual insight. In the 1970s, a new model of local governance was introduced: the sautatuna (communal land trustee) and the wisyan (community judge).

It is important to note that, in times of crisis and leadership transition, the Mayangna people often found themselves excluded by Miskitu authorities. In response, they sought a different path — one that preserved their cultural identity while forging new frameworks. This led to the revival of the legal figure of associations and the formal recognition of Sukawala as the national organisation linking all Mayangna communities. Working in coordination with traditional authorities, this initiative established a new form of governance, understood as a transitional phase between customary systems and legal frameworks.

By 1994, the Sukawala experience had expanded opportunities for Mayangna women, youth and artisanal miners (guiriseros), paving the way for the creation of new organisations: Masaku, Matumbak, Amasau Iyamsak, Adesmir, Aumnic and Comjubo. However, following Daniel Ortega’s return to power in 2006, these Indigenous organisations began to unravel due to the suppression of structural reforms in communal governance. As associations were replaced by Indigenous Territorial Governments (GTIs), Sukawala was ultimately fragmented into three groups: Nación Mayangna, AMDES and Mawarat.

The Nicaraguan Regime and Mayangna Migration

Since Daniel Ortega’s return to power, Nicaragua has undergone an authoritarian shift that has severely impacted Indigenous Peoples. The main consequences include the arbitrary annulment of communal land titles, the co-optation of Indigenous organisational structures by political movements, and the imposition of Indigenous Territorial Governments (GTIs) subordinated to the central government and partisan interests. Since 2013, Mayangna territories have been subjected to systematic violence: armed invasions by illegal settlers, illegal logging and mining, assassinations and kidnappings, forced displacement of communities, and the criminalisation of Indigenous leaders and forest rangers.

Attacks have been documented against the communities of Saubi (2016), Wilu (2017), Alal (2021), and Kitangsar (2018 and 2022). In total, 24 Indigenous people have been killed—many of them community leaders—and nine forest rangers imprisoned for defending their territories. In addition, the regime has promoted land appropriation through government-aligned associations such as Achacomjubo, Arnig, and Copamar. To make matters worse, leaders who denounced these violations have faced public persecution, imprisonment, or exile.

Environmental migration results from invasions of their territories by settlers, mining concessions, expansion of agricultural frontiers, and large-scale cattle ranching.

Environmental migration results from invasions of their territories by settlers, mining concessions, expansion of agricultural frontiers, and large-scale cattle ranching.

During the conflict between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza Debayle, the Mayangna people migrated northwards within Nicaragua, as well as to Honduras and the United States. This wave of migration was among the largest in Central America. Four decades later, Nicaragua once again faces a similar crisis that began in 2015 and intensified with the escalation of state violence in 2018. In this context, individuals and entire families have fled Nicaragua to protect their lives and ensure their survival.

In the specific case of Indigenous Peoples in Voluntary Isolation and Initial Contact (PIACI), migration is driven by environmental, political, economic and cultural factors. Firstly, environmental migration results from invasions of their territories by settlers, mining concessions, expansion of agricultural frontiers, and large-scale cattle ranching. Secondly, political persecution of Indigenous activists, leaders and opposition figures is evident, with 24 Mayangna and three Miskitu individuals imprisoned. Thirdly, there is a lack of employment opportunities to secure livelihoods. Lastly, there is growing fear of a potential extermination plan against PIACI due to their resistance and struggle.

The Indelible Impact of Migration

Since the onset of the national crisis, people from all social backgrounds have been disproportionately affected, resulting in significant losses of economic assets, shrinking employment opportunities, and the breakdown and separation of families. Furthermore, those who oppose the government’s policies and authoritarian trajectory face persecution, assassination, imprisonment, and exile. Consequently, the consequences are both economic and deeply emotional.

It is estimated that more than 9,000 Miskitu, 350 Mayangna, 50 Rama, 30 Garifuna, and 10 Chorotega have migrated, primarily to Costa Rica, widely regarded as one of the most politically open countries in Latin America. While precise figures are unavailable—since many displacements occur covertly to avoid political persecution—the worrying trend is that these numbers are increasing year on year. Among the Mayangna, a significant proportion of migrants are believed to be seeking refuge from political persecution.

Although there is no mass exile, the Mayangna are compelled to relocate due to pressures from colonisation and violence imposed by the government. Consequently, they seek refuge and new opportunities in foreign lands.

Although there is no mass exile, the Mayangna are compelled to relocate due to pressures from colonisation and violence imposed by the government.

The effects of migration leave profound and lasting marks in the short, medium and long term, affecting both the migrants and their families, as well as the communities they leave behind. As a result, Mayangna communities undergo cultural and sociopolitical changes that lead to social disintegration, reorganisation, and the emergence of new social norms.

It is important to highlight that there is no formal concept of “exile.” There is no official documentation of a mass exile of the Mayangna, neither to Honduras in the 1970s nor to Costa Rica in 2018. Rather, what takes place is a gradual but continuous displacement, driven by issues related to land rights and Indigenous autonomy. In summary, although there is no mass exile, the Mayangna are compelled to relocate due to pressures from colonisation and violence imposed by the government. Consequently, they seek refuge and new opportunities in foreign lands.

Situation of the Mayangna Population in Exile in Costa Rica

Since 2018, experts have noted a second wave of Mayangna migration, which has accelerated since 2023. In this latest displacement, numerous Mayangna families have fled to Costa Rica, Panama, El Salvador, and the United States, seeking to escape state repression and armed violence from settlers in their communities. In Costa Rica, it is estimated that at least 60 Mayangna families are scattered across the country, living in conditions of extreme vulnerability.

Their main challenges abroad include a lack of employment opportunities and low levels of education, lack of access to land and adequate housing, language barriers—particularly among older women— the absence of culturally appropriate support within the Costa Rican refugee system, and heightened vulnerability due to inadequate care. This situation is further aggravated by the tightening of immigration policies during the Trump administration. The invisibility of the Mayangna as an Indigenous group within international protection systems deepens their marginalisation, as many institutions focus their knowledge and resources on a single Indigenous group, leaving the Mayangna without adequate assistance.

AMDES promotes intercultural dialogue, the representation of the Mayangna in exile, and processes of social, cultural, and economic inclusion in Costa Rica.

AMDES promotes intercultural dialogue, the representation of the Mayangna in exile, and processes of social, cultural, and economic inclusion in Costa Rica.

Due to the lack of autonomous representation, the Mayangna population in exile has reorganised the Mayangna Association for Social Development (AMDES). Established anonymously as a protective measure against state repression, this organisation operates from Costa Rica and has become the main structure for representation, advocacy, and defence of the Mayangna people. Although it lacks formal legal status, it operates with the legal support of allied organisations.

Currently, the Mayangna Association for Social Development carries out key actions including providing support and assistance to Mayangna migrants; establishing networks of aid and protection for displaced families; documenting complaints and raising awareness of human rights violations before national and international bodies; and delivering community training in rights, leadership, and Indigenous participation. In this way, AMDES promotes intercultural dialogue, the representation of the Mayangna in exile, and processes of social, cultural, and economic inclusion in Costa Rica.

The post The Forced Displacement of the Mayangna People of Nicaragua appeared first on Debates Indígenas.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) defines exile as “the separation of a person from the land where they live.” In this sense, all refugees and displaced persons live in exile until they can return to their homeland. According to this definition, many Indigenous leaders and community members have been uprooted from their families, communities, and cultural roots due to the hostile environment invoked by their actions to defend their territories, their right to self-determination, and the protection of their Indigenous community identities.

Under international law, a hostile or torturous environment is typically understood as mistreatment occurring within degrading, cruel, and inhumane penitentiary systems. However, it also applies when governments seek to control the population through authoritarian power that instills fear and manipulates the truth. This situation involves “a series of contextual elements, conditions, and practices that diminish or eliminate the victim’s will and control over their own life, ultimately compromising their sense of self.”

Exile as the continuation of Indigenous resistance

Indigenous and Afro-descendant leaders, primarily from the Nicaraguan Caribbean, live in a hostile environment that compels them to abandon their communities and territories (whether forcibly or voluntarily) in search of personal safety. In this context, Costa Rica has emerged as the nearest and most welcoming destination, thanks to its high public policy standards regarding migration across Central America.

The situation has deteriorated over the past five years as the Nicaraguan government has increasingly suppressed spaces for community democracy and tightened its control (or co-optation) of the governance structures and representative institutions of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples on the Caribbean Coast. Few genuine, legitimate, and natural leaders remain in the country, leaving them with no choice but to remain silent in the face of oppression, persecution, and the criminalization of Indigenous struggles.

Thanks to these exiled leaders, it remains possible to understand the gaps in the economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights of Indigenous peoples and ethnic communities in Nicaragua.

Therefore, the voices of the communities that resist in silence can only be heard through  leaders in exile, primarily in Costa Rica. Thanks to these exiled leaders, it remains possible to understand the challenges and gaps in the economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights of Indigenous peoples and ethnic communities on Nicaragua’s Caribbean Coast.

While they have managed to ensure their physical safety, this does not mean their living conditions are comparable to those in their home communities. Not everyone is fortunate enough to secure decent employment. Many are forced to work as laborers on monoculture farms or as construction workers to make ends meet. For those still seeking refugee or asylum status, the situation is further complicated by the absence of a work permit.

Historical factors of migration and exile in Costa Rica

The exile of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples from Nicaragua’s Caribbean Coast dates back to the civil war era of the 1980s. During this period, Indigenous peoples and Creoles took up arms to demand their rights to autonomy, territory, and collective self-determination, leading to large waves of migration to Honduras and Costa Rica. In 1983, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reported a “mass exodus” of approximately 10,000 Miskito and Moravian pastors who crossed the Coco River and settled in a refugee camp in the department of Gracias a Dios.

One of the main drivers of migration from the Nicaraguan Muskitia to other countries, particularly Costa Rica, is the internal displacement experienced by the Miskitu and Mayangna Indigenous communities. Becky McCrea, an advocate for Nicaraguan Indigenous territories, attributes the mass exodus of the Miskitu and other Indigenous peoples to the invasion of non-Indigenous settlers who are dispossessing them of their lands. She emphasizes that a large part of the responsibility lies with the State, which has failed to curb the invasions.

In the past five years, since the onset of the democratic crisis, the breakdown of the rule of law, and the social uprising of 2018, exile and migration have intensified.

The gravity of this situation is echoed by several internationally recognized organizations. IWGIA reports that deforestation and displacement are driven by transnational companies operating in Indigenous territories, as well as by the colonization of mestizo settlers from the interior of the country. Meanwhile, UNHCR states: “In the past eight months, the number of Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers in Costa Rica has doubled. The displaced now number over 150,000, which represents 3% of Costa Rica’s total population of 5,000,000.”

In the past five years, since the onset of the democratic crisis, the breakdown of the rule of law, and the social uprising of 2018, exile and migration have intensified. “Costa Rica is the primary destination for forcibly displaced Nicaraguans, hosting around 200,000 compatriots, which presents a significant public safety challenge for the Costa Rican state,” notes the report Nicaragua: Between Repression and Citizen Resistance by the Human Rights Collective and Nicaragua Nunca Más.

The invasion of settlers and forced displacement

It is important to emphasize that the situation of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples in Nicaragua is structural. Throughout various governments, they have faced a range of political, social, economic, and environmental challenges. This state of vulnerability has worsened since 2015, following armed attacks by settlers who invaded Indigenous lands in Tasba Raya, located in the municipality of Waspam, in the Northern Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region.

The situation is complex. Settlers have organized into criminal gangs and systematically attack with firearms. While there have been injuries, kidnappings, and fatalities, over 1,000 displaced individuals have lost their means of livelihood and now face food insecurity and hunger. Consequently, Indigenous communities in the Autonomous Regions have been forced to flee to border areas with Honduras and Costa Rica. Extractive activities, livestock farming, and monoculture are the primary causes of these displacements.

Since her exile in 2021, Miskitu leader Susana Marley, known as Mamagrande, has explained that there are at least 300 displaced Indigenous families in Costa Rica living in precarious and overcrowded conditions, particularly in La Carpio, Las Pavas, and Alajuelita. Furthermore, they struggle to communicate with their families who remain in Nicaragua and are often unaware of immigration laws. As a result, they face labor exploitation, mistreatment, detentions, deportations, depression, and marginalization.

The precariousness of life in Costa Rica

A Nicaraguan Indigenous organization in exile estimates that around 800 Indigenous families are currently exiled in Costa Rica. Most are Miskitu families, though there are also Mayangna, Rama, and Afro-descendant families. The findings highlight the particular vulnerability of Indigenous and Afro-descendant women in Costa Rica, especially due to the lack of formal employment opportunities and legal residency documentation.

Moreover, very few Indigenous organizations are focused on addressing the issues faced by migrant populations. Currently, leader Susana Marley Cunningham heads a platform of Indigenous and Afro-descendant women’s organizations from Nicaragua’s Muskitia region, coordinating efforts with other Non-Governmental Organizations and Costa Rican immigration authorities.

The number of Indigenous people in exile in Costa Rica continues to rise. However, there is no official assessment of how many Indigenous individuals reside in Costa Rica, as many only choose it as a transit country. They then move on to other countries, primarily the United States, through safe mobility programs.

The post Nicaraguan Indigenous People in exile in Costa Rica appeared first on Debates Indígenas.